Among many other changes, Hungarians are about to find out which newsrooms can actually survive without state money – as a massive change within the public broadcast system is now underway.
Veronika Munk
Our weekly digest of Hungarian politics continues, as we report on the aftermath of April’s election and on the early days of the new Tisza government. This week we cover:
A bill has been submitted to completely overhaul Hungary’s public media system. Layoffs have begun across the media empire linked to Fidesz. Parliament has approved a constitutional amendment that permanently bars Viktor Orbán from serving as prime minister again. Orbán was re-elected as president of Fidesz at a party congress. According to Péter Magyar, the Orbán government deliberately escalated political conflicts surrounding migration and planned to build a refugee camp. An investigation has been launched into the notorious so-called ‘Ukrainian gold convoy’ affair. Magyar will attend a European Council meeting for the first time as prime minister.
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Péter Magyar attends first EU summit as prime minister
At Thursday’s (18 June) summit in Brussels, EU leaders are expected to discuss support for Ukraine and its accession to the European Union, the next seven-year EU budget, competitiveness, developments in the Middle East and migration. Before the meeting, Magyar took part in a gathering of leaders from the European People’s Party and in a revived consultation among the Visegrád Four countries.
In Brussels, he is also expected to meet Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelensky in person, for the first time since becoming prime minister.
Reforming public media strikes at one of Orbán’s most important institutions
The Tisza government has submitted legislation proposing a complete restructuring of Hungary’s public media system. Zoltán Tarr, minister responsible for social affairs and culture, summarised the proposal in a single sentence: its purpose is to “return public media to the public, to the Hungarian people”.
Under the legislation, the current public media organisation would cease to exist and be replaced by new institutional structures. The mandates of current leaders would end immediately.
One of the proposal’s most significant innovations is the creation of an Independent Public Media Board – composed partly of parliamentary delegates and partly of professional representatives. The board would oversee state media providers. Government and opposition parties would nominate members in equal numbers. Anyone who has held a party-political role during the previous five years would be excluded from membership.
Board members would be elected individually by parliament and media professionals: six members nominated by parliamentary groups would serve four-year terms, while three members nominated by the media profession would serve five-year terms.
A government audit of the Fidesz-era public media system has already begun, and open competitions for senior management positions are expected to be announced in the autumn.
The political significance of the issue extends far beyond institutional reform. Over the past decade and a half, Hungary’s public media has become one of Fidesz’s most important communication tools, effectively functioning as a mouthpiece for the party. This year alone, more than 150bn forints in public funds were allocated to it—an exceptionally high figure by regional standards, particularly for a broadcaster financed by taxpayers.
International press freedom organisations and media groups have repeatedly criticised the system, arguing that state television and radio failed to fulfil their public-service mission.
No market demand: the Fidesz media empire begins to shrink
While parliament debates the future of public media, dramatic changes are also taking place within the media system associated with Fidesz, one of the biggest losers of the change in government.
Mass layoffs have begun at several pro-Fidesz media companies, particularly outlets that functioned as instruments of the party’s propaganda apparatus, participated in smear campaigns and focused almost exclusively on amplifying government messaging.
Mediaworks, the holding company within the Central European Press and Media Foundation (KESMA), ended 2025 with revenue of 57.9bn forints but a loss of 14bn forints. Without the state advertising revenues that dried up following the formation of the new government, the pro-Fidesz business model appears unsustainable.
